Rush Br. Benjamin 
Historical notes, 1777 







itilTE or 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OP 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 

Vol. XXVII. 1903. No. 2. 

HISTOEICAL KOTES OF DR. BENJAMIN RUSH, 1777. 

CONTRIBUTED BY DR. S. WEIR MITCHELL. 

[The following extracts from one of the Note-Books of Dr. Rush, in 
the Ridg^vay Branch of the Library Company of Philadelphia, are partic- 
ularly interesting and valuable because they contain the abstracts of the 
speeches made by the doctor and other members of Congress on the 
question whether the action of the Congress of the New England States, 
held at Providence, Rhode Island, in December of 1776, regulating the 
prices of certain domestic and foreign products, required the approval 
of Congress to make it valid ; to increase the rate of interest on Loan 
Office certificates ; to refer the appointment of three major-generals to 
the general officers of the army ; and the proi^osition of General Charles 
Lee, while a prisoner of war, for a conference with several members of 
Congress. Dr. Rush's criticism of Washington and several of his gen- 
erals, the condition of the army, and his characterization of the 
political attitude of the people of the United States, although familiar 
to those who have followed his political career, are still interesting 
reading. — Ed. Penna. Mag.] 

Decern"- 25. 1776. 

In a Congress composed of Deputies from the 4 New 
Eng* States of New Hamshire, Mass : Bay, Rhode Island & 
-Connecticut, Decern'' 25. 1776. They agreed to regulate 
the prices of the follow^ articles at the following rates. 
VOL. XXVII.— 9 (129) 






130 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

Farming — 3/4 '^ diem, and mechanical labor compared 

with it in the usual proportion. 
Wheat— IjQ f Bushel K H; M. B; & K I; 6/ Con: 
Bye— 4/6 D» I)° D" D° 3/6 D" : 

Indian Com— ^14: M. B., 3/6 K H; R. I: 3/ D" 
Wool— 21 f K) M. B. ; R. I; Con ; 2/2 K H : 
PoT-A' — /4'* — /4| /4| M. B. according to weight "^ pound. 
Pork—ISl m /3| f pound Connecticut. 
2)^ /4| /4f — New Hamshire. 
X)o /3i_4i— Rhode Island. 
Beef-jS f pound M. B; KH; R. I: In Connecticutt 

24/ ^ hundred. 
Hides — IS^ ^ pound in all. 
Salt— 101 f bushel D°. 
We5< iw6?ia i?Mm — 6/8 "^ gallon by Hogsh*^ 7/8 by the single 

gallon — & 2/ '^ quart. 
New Enc/ Biim—SI20 ^ Hogsh-* 4/ f barrel, 4/6 f single 

gallon, allowing one penny '§ gallon for every ten 

miles it is carried. 
Sugar, best Muscovado — 54/ '^ hund : by Hogs*^ 60/ by the 

single hundred weight & jS^ ^ pound for single pound 

allow^ /9 "^ hund weight for every ten miles land 

carriage. 
Molasses— SI4: f gallon by hogs'* : & 3/8 f barrel & 4/ f 

single gallon — allow^ /I "^ gallon for every 10 miles 

carriage. 
Cheese — 16^ ^ pound. 
Butter— 110 D" 
Peas— SI f bushel. 
Potatoes — In the fall 1/4 ^ bushel, in other seasons 2/ 

f d" 
Yam Stockings — 8/ '^ pair. 
Mens Shoes — 8/ '§ pair. 
Salt-pork— U. B ; R. Island 92/ f hundred ; 84/ in Con ; 

100/ K Hamshire. 
Cotton — 3/ '^ bag 3/8 by the single pound. 
Oats— 21 f bushel. 



en Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 131 

£ Flax— II M. B ; N. Ham ; K 1 : 1/— f pound Con: /lO f 

^ pound. 

Coffee— 114: f pound in all. 

Tallow — /7| "f pound in all. 

Toic Cloath — ^yard wide 2/3 ^ yard — and all coarse linnen 
in proportion. 

Flannels — Yard wide 3/6 ^ yard and other flannels in pro- 
portion, according to thier widths and qualities, & 
all woollen cloath in like proportion. 

Woollen goods — coarse linnen — ^Duck Ticklenburg & Osna- 
brigs shall be sold at 275 Sterling, for what cost 100 
in Europe — prize goods 250 for what cost 100 — All 
public vendues & auctions to be suppressed — wood — 
bay — planks — leather — shingles — charcoal — mutton 
— ^veal — ^flour w*'' the rates of carting to be regulated 
by the states seperately. 

An ace' of the prices given by General Howe in New 
Jersey for sundry articles : 

J£ay — when bro't by the inhabitants £4 . . . . f ton — 

£3 . . . . when fetched by the army. 
Wheat— 61'"^ bushel D° 5/6 D° 
Beef—I^^ f pound /2i D° 
Pork— J)'' D" D° D\ 
Oats— SI f bushel 2/6 J)\ 
Com— 3/— D« D". 

no pay for wood or candle. 

Upon motion in Congress whether the meeting held by 
the four New Eng"^ States by deputies at Providence 
Decern' 25, 1776, was a proper one and whether it did 
not stand in need of the approbation of Congress to make 
it valid. — 

It was said by J/*" Sam^ Adams : That a right to assemble 
upon all occasions to consult measures for promoting lib- 
erty & happiness was the priviledge of freemen. That it 



132 Histoiical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

was contested by Gov'' Hutchinson & that it was dreaded 
only by tyrants. 

Mr. Rich'^ Heni-y Lee : It was said on the same side of 
the question that we were not yet confederated, therefore 
no law of the union infringed. 

Col. Wilson ; on the negative said, that the design in the 
committee of the 4 New England States in sending their 
proceedings to Congress was to demand their approbation — 
That the same was clearly intimated by the tenor of the 
appointments from Rhode Island and Connecticut, — that 
the committee had commanded, and countermanded con- 
tinental troops, — that the said troops were to be paid by 
the continent, — therefore, that the business the committee 
transacted was wholly Continental and of course, required 
the approbation of Congress. 

Mr. John Adams said, that he lately travelled thro' New 
Eng* & that he was sure that the approbation of the Con- 
gress of the meeting would give pleasure to the committee 
and their constituents. That thier meeting was founded in 
necessity. That altho' we were not confederated, the same 
principles of equity & reason should govern as if we were 
united by a confederacy — that the four New England states 
bore the same relation to the Congress that four counties 
bore to a single state. These four counties have a right to 
meet to regulate roads — and aifairs that relate to the poor — 
but they have no right to tax or execute any other branch of 
legislation. In like manner the four New Eng** States, or any 
other four states have a right to meet upon matters wholly 
indifferent, but they have no right to touch upon continental 
subjects — ^that the committee from the 4 New Eng"^ States 
have touched upon continental Subjects, therefore, the ineeting 
stands in need of the approbation of the Congress. 

Z)'' Rush: The desire of independance is natural not only 
to individuals but to communities. There was a time 
(near 200 years) when it was wrong to say a word ag°' the 
dependance of the colonies upon Great Britain — a time 
came when it was equally criminal to enforce that depend- 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamiyi Hush, 1777. 133 

ance. The time may come & probably will come, when it 
will be the interest of the united States to be independant 
of each other, but I can conceive of no temporal punish- 
ment to be severe eno' for that man who attempts to dis- 
solve, or weaken the union for a century or two to come. 
I admire the proceedings of the committee assembled at 
Providence. They are full of political virtue & wisdom, 
and I think the other states will act wisely & virtuously in 
proportion as they resemble them. But I think the meeting 
is full of great & interesting consequences, and should be 
regarded with a serious & jealous eye. Thier business was 
chiefly continental, and therefore they usurped the houses 
of Congress as much as four counties would usurp the 
powers of legislation in a state, sh^ they attempt to tax 
themselves. The committee have in one instance, in regu- 
lating the price of goods counterved [?] an express resolution 
of Congress ; and lastly tho' the meeting was necessary and 
no injustice intended or done by it to any state, yet it becomes 
us to remember that arbitrary power has often originated 
in justice & necessity. 

This question was decided by a majority in the Com- 
mittee of the whole house in the affirmative — but in the 
negative a few days afterwards. It was reconsidered Feb^ 

l3*^ 

Feb^ 10, on motion to raise the interest of money to 6 "^ 
cent for loan oflice tickets, it was said in the negative — 

1 . That there was no other way of laying out money. 

2. That loan office tickets are the same as money, and, 
therefore, in case of the want of money new emissions are 
equally proper. 

In the affirmative it was said by M'^ Sergeant, That loan 
office tickets would be confined only to one State. 

'By M' Ja^ Wilson: That Bonds, lands etc., were trans- 
ferrable as well as loan office tickets, and therefore the 
argument of thier being the same as money is without force. 
That the money lenders had all thier money paid into them, 
that 3 millions had been received by the usurers in Pen- 



134 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 

sylvania, all of which was probably in thier hands, and that 
if the interest was raised to 6 "^ cent it w"^ procure money. 

My John Adams : That loan offices tickets would not circu- 
late because they bore an interest. That Massachussets bay 
in the last war emitted 50,000 in notes bearing an interest 
of 6 '^ cent, which were immediately locked up and with- 
drawn from the circulation, even tho' gold & silver was 
plentiful among them. That new emissions would only 
increase the difficulty, that the continent would bear only 
7 millions. That unless the interest was raised, the money 
holder would employ his money in speculation in buying 
lands and in monopolizing goods, by which means, the 
necessaries of life were enhanced in thier price ; that this 
alone would regulate the price of goods, that no other 
wisdom [two lines torn] emission we would rather see our 
army disbanded, and Howe let loose to ravage the whole 
country. 

Upon calling the question the States (10 in number 
divided equally). As a proof of the impropriety of each 
state having a seperate Vote, it is remarkable that there 
were 18 members for raising the interest & 10 only against 
it. The States that voted in favor of it were ITew Ham- 
shire, Massachussets bay, IsTew Jersey, Pensylvania and 
Virginia. The inhabitants of these states collectively, make 
near two-thirds of the whole inhabitants of the united States, 
[torn] political character in the same light as they do a suit 
of cloaths. They put it on & off at pleasure. But we trifle 
with all morality — we trifle with the happiness of millions 
by not holding up [two pages torn out] . 

Feba4, 1777. 

Upon the question whether the Congress should recom- 
mend to the States to adopt the plan for reducing and 
regulating the price of labor, manufactures, imports, and 
provisions, which had been adopted in the four New England 
States. It was said in the negative by 

M^ Jas. Smith, That such a recommendation would inter- 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 135 

fere with the domestic police of each State which were of 
too dehcate a nature to be touched by the Congress. 

D'" Rush, I am against the whole of the resolution. It is 
founded in the contrary of justice — policy & necessity as 
has been declared in the resolution. The wisdom & power 
of government have been employed in all ages to regulate 
the price of necessaries to no purpose. It was attempted 
in Eng** in the reign of Edward II by the English parlia- 
ment, but without effect. The laws for limiting the price 
of every thing were repealed, and M'' Hume, who mentions 
this fact, records even the very attempt as a monument of 
human folly. The Congress with all its authority have 
failed in a former instance of regulating the price of goods. 
You have limited Bohea tea to | of a dollar, and yet it 
is daily sold before your eyes for 30/. The committee of 
Philad* limited the price of West India goods about a year 
ago — ^But what was the consequence ? The merchants it is 
true sold their rum, sugar & molasses at the price limited 
by the committee, but they charged a heavy profit upon the 
barrel or the paper which contained the rum or the sugar. 
Consider, Sir, the danger of failing in this experiment. 
The Salvation of this continent depends upon the authority 
of this Congress being held as sacred as the cause of liberty 
itself. Suppose we should fail of producing the effects we 
wish for by the resolution before you. Have we any char- 
acter to spare ? Have we committed no mistakes in the 
management of the public affairs of America ? We have, 
sir ! It becomes us therefore, to be careful of the remains 
of our Authority & character. It is a common thing to cry 
aloud of the rapacity & extortion in every branch of busi- 
ness & among every class of men. This has led some 
people to decry the public virtue of this country. True Sir, 
there is not so much of it as we could wish, but there is 
much more that is sometimes allowed on this floor. "We 
estimate our virtue by a false barometer, when we measure 
it by the price of goods. The extortion we complain off 
arises only from the excessive quantity of our money. Now, 



136 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

Sir, a failure in this attempt to regulate tlie price of goods 
will encrease the clamors against the rapacity of dealers, 
and thus depreciate our public virtue. Consider, Sir, the 
consequence of measuring our virtue by this false standard. 
You will add weight to the arguments used at St. James's 
to explode patriotism altogether, & by denying its existence 
in this country, destroy it forever. Persuade a woman that 
there is no such thing as chastity, & if there is that, she does 
not possess it, and she may be easily seduced if she was as 
chaste as Diana. Sir, The price of goods may be compared 
to a number of light substances in a bason of water. The 
hand may keep them down for a while, but nothing can 
detain them on the bottom of the bason but an abstraction 
of the water. The continent labours under a universal 
malady. From the crown of her head to the Soal of her 
feet she is fall of disorders. She requires the most powerfiil 
tonic medicines. The resolution before you is nothing but 
an opiate. It may compose the continent for a night, but 
she will soon awaken again to a fresh sense of her pain & 
misery. 

Col : Rich^ Henri/ Lee, (in the affirmative) M' President : 
The learned Doctor has mistook the disorder of the conti- 
nent. He labours under a spasm, and Spasms he knows 
require palliative medicines. I look upon the resolution 
before you only as a temporary remedy. But it is abso- 
lutely necessary. It is true the regulations formerly rec- 
ommended by Congress were not faithfully carried into 
execution. But this was owing to the want of regular 
goverments. ISiew & regular goverments have been insti- 
tuted in every part of America, and these will enable all 
classes of people to carry the resolutions into execution. 

M" Sam^ Chase, (in the affirmative). M' President : This 
is a necessary resolution. It is true it failed formerly in 
Philad* because it abounded with tories. But it succeeded 
in Maryland. It must be done. The mines of Peru would 
not support a war at the present high price of the neces- 
saries of life. Your soldiers cannot live on thier pay. It 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Hush, 1777. 137 

must be raised, unless we limit the price of the cloathing & 
other articles necessary for them. 

M"^ Seargant — (negative). The price of goods cannot be 
regulated while the quantity of our money and the articles 
of life are allowed to fluctuate. This is & must be the case 
■^th us, therefore we cannot regulate the price of anything. 

Col James Wilson — (negative). Mr President: I dift'er 
from the gentleman from Virginia about the possibility of 
carrying the resolution before you into execution. No 
modern governments, I am sure, have not half the vigilance 
or authority that the conventions & committees formerly 
had, and yet these failed in this business. Connecticut, 
where the influence of good laws prevail greatly, adopted 
this plan with difiidence. There are certain things, Sir, 
which absolute power cannot do. The whole power of the 
Roman Emperors could not add a single letter to the 
Alphabet. Augustus could not compel old batchelors to 
marry. He found out his error, and msely repealed his 
edict, least he should bring his authority into contempt. 
Let us recommend the resolution to the consideration of the 
states only without giving our opinion on it, that they may 
discuss it with unbiassed minds. Foreign trade is abso- 
lutely necessary to enable us to carry on the war. This 
resolution will put an end to it, for it will hang as a dead 
weight upon all the operations of external commerce. — 

ly Wetherspoon — (Negative). Sir, It is a wise maxim to 
avoid those things which our enemies wish us to practise. 
Now I find that our enemies have published the act of the 
Assembly of Connecticut for regulating the price of neces- 
saries in the New York paper, in order to shew our distress 
from that quarter. I believe the regulations would be just 
if the quantity of money and the scarcity of goods bore 
an exact proportion to each other. But the price of goods 
is by no means proportioned to the quantity of money in 
every thing. The encrease of price began 1** upon the 
Luxuries ; 2^^ Necessaries ; S** Manufactories ; & 4^^ Grain, 
and other produce of the earth. Now the reason why it 



138 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 

has reached grain &c last, is owing to thier quantity being 
plentiful & to an overproportion of money. Remember laws 
are not almighty. It is beyond the power of despotic 
princes to regulate the price of goods. Tea and salt are 
higher in proportion than any other articles of trade, owing 
entirely to thier price being limited. Li Pensylvania salt 
was limited to 15/ but was sold for 60/ "^ bushel, while at 
the same time, it was sold in Virginia, where there was no 
limitation, for 10/ a bushel. I fear if we fail in this 
measure, we shall weaken the authority of Congress — we 
shall do mischief by teaching the continent to rest upon it. 
If we limit one article — we must limit emr\j thing — and this 
is impossible. 

Jf" John Adams — (N'egative). Perhaps I may here speak 
ag'' the sense of my constituents, but I cannot help it. I 
much doubt the justice, policy & necessity of the resolu- 
tion. Its policy & necessity depend upon its practicability, 
and if it is practicable, I believe it will be unjust. It 
amounts to the same as raising the value of your money to 
double its present value, & this experiment was tried in 
vain, even in the absolute government of France. The 
high price of many articles arises from thier scarcity. If 
we regulate the price of imports we shall immediately put 
to stop to them for ever. 

D'" Bush. Sir, It has been said that, the high price of 
goods in Philad'' arose from the monopolies, and extortion 
of the tories. Here I must say the tories are blamed 
without cause. A similar spirit of speculation prevails 
among the whigs in Philad^'. They are disposed to realise 
thier money in lands, or goods. But this is not owing 
to any timidity or disaftection among them. They fear 
the further depreciation of your money by future emis- 
sions. Stop your emissions of money, & you will stop 
speculation, & fill your treasury from the loan offices. I 
beg leave to inform Congress that the committee of 
Philad* was supfforted by the country people in thier 
attempt to regulate the price of West India goods, but 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 139 

were notwithstanding unsuccessful. Now, Sir, the country 
people are equally concerned with the merchants in keeping 
up the price of every thing, and in eluding laws for 
reducing them. I am not apt to reply to ivords, much less 
to play upon them. The gentleman from Virginia has mis- 
called the malady of the continent. It is not a spasm, but 
a dropsy. I beg leave to prescribe two remedies for it. 
1., Raising the interest of the money we borrow to 6 '^ cent; 
this like a cold bath will give an immediate spring to our 
affairs, & 2., taxation; This like tapping^ will diminish the quan- 
tity of our money, and give a proper value to what remains. 

The resolution was amended. The plan of the 4 Kew 
England states was referred only to the other states, to act 
as they tho't proper. 

Feb? 19, 1777. 

Upon the question for referring the appointment of three 
major generals, to the general officers of the army, it was said 
in the negative : 

jy Rush. I have heard the Congress more than once 
called a republic. I love to realise the idea, and I hope it 
will inspire us with the virtuous principles of republican 
governments. One of the most powerful & happy com- 
monwealths in the world, Rome, called her general officers 
from the plough & paid no regard to rank, service or 
seniority. We have of late been successful it is true, but I 
despair of our country being saved till the instrumentality 
of military wisdom & virtue are employed for that purpose, 
and these can never be had till we use a sovereign power in 
calling them forth where ever we find them. It is to no 
purpose to talk of the practice of despotic princes. They 
promote according to seniority it is true, but they possess an 
absolute power of recalling, disgracing, or breaking thier 
general officers as soon as they make them, and we find 
they are fond of exercing this power upon the least neglect, 
inattention, or want of success. The case is different with 
us. A general may loose a battle or a province, and we 
possess no power to recall or to displace him. If the motion 



140 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

is passed, I shall move immediately afterwards that all the 
civil power of the continent may be transferred from our 
hands into the hands of the army, & that they may be 
proclaimed the highest power of the people. 

Z)'' Wethers'poon — M' President : I am against the motion. 
It will produce faction, and disputes among your generals. 
I once left the honors of the college over which I preside, 
to the choice of the senior class. But it produced so much 
confiision & ill blood, that I was obliged to resume that 
power again, and have since excercised to the satisfaction of 
my pupils as well as my own. 

Col Bich^ Henry Lee ; I wish the learned Doctor would 
distinguish between the practice of children & men. Our 
generals would certainly make a judicious choice, and 
would not be governed by the principles which actuate 
boys at school. 

John Adams ; W" President — I differ from the gentleman 
who spoke last. There are certain principles which follow 
us thro' life, and none more certainly than the love of the 
first place. We see it in the forms on which Children sit 
at Schools. It prevails equally to the last period of life. 
I am sorry to find it prevails so little in this Assembly. I 
have been distressed to see some members of this house 
disposed to idolize an image which thier own hands have 
molten. I speak here of the superstituous veneration y* is 
sometimes paid to Gen^ "Washington. Altho' I honour him 
for his good qualities, yet in this house I feel myself his 
superior. In private life I shall always acknowledge that 
he is mine. It becomes us to attend early to the restraining 
our army. This we shall find the next difficult thing to 
prevent : the depreciation of our money. I have no fears 
from the resignation of officers if junior officers are pre- 
ferred to them. If they have virtue they will continue with 
us. If not, thier resignation will not hurt us. 

Congress received a letter Feb'' 20'" 1777, from Gen^ Lee, 
a prisoner in New York (written by permission of Lord & 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 141 

General Howe) requesting a conference with two or three 
members of Congress upon matters of the last importance 
to himself, & in his opinion to America, upon which it was 
said by 

B^ Rush, — M"" President, — In considering of the propriety 
of this request, it becomes us 1, to attend to the present situa- 
tion of the court of Britain, 2^^, to the conduct & characters of 
Lord and General Howe, and 3, to the conduct, & character 
of General Lee. 1, The court of Britain is alarmed with 
the fear of a french war. They wish to terminate the 
present war in America by a negociation as well as by the 
Bword. They have no terms to offer us. They mean only 
to deceive & divide us. 2, Lord & Gen' Howe were chosen 
as fit instruments for seducing & deceiving the colonies. 
They have practised many arts for that purpose. Witness 
the conference they extorted from the Congress thro' Gen' 
Sullivan last summer. They have been told by the rein- 
forcement of tories, that lately joined them, its effect upon 
the people of America, & they expect thro' a better instru- 
ment (Gen' Lee) to produce greater & worse effects by a 
conference with the members of Congress set on foot at 
thier request by the General. 3, General Lee with all his 
great qualities, possesses the weakness of being easily im- 
posed upon. His charecters of men are dictated by caprice 
or passion. I have seldom known him give a true charecter 
of any man. He is fond of negociations & conferences. 
He tried to bring about an interview with Gen' Burgoyne 
at Cambridge, for that purpose. He urged a second inter- 
view with Lord Howe last summer. I believe Gen' Lee to 
be honest & sincerely attached to our cause, but some peo- 
ple suppose he threw himself in the way of being taken 
prisoner. Considering all these things, I maintain that a 
compliance with the general's request would be impolitic, & 
highly dangerous to the union & safety of the united States. 

31^ Jn° Adams. M' President, — I am against the pro- 
posed conference. It will do mischief. The last confer- 
ence with Lord Howe did no good. The Whigs were 



142 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

alarmed with it, and the tories complained that the reason 
why it did not end in negociation was because improper 
men were sent, and because the Congress did not relax eno' 
from its dignity. I admire Gen' Lee for his military 
talents, but he possesses an unbounded share of Vanity. 
This Vanity led him to correspond with Gen' Burgoyne, 
and induced him to propose himself as one of a committee 
to confer with Lord Howe. His Lordship has no terms to 
offer us. The king's speech is decisive against us. It lets 
loose all the dogs of war & corruption upon us. But it 
carries a remedy to its terrors along with it, it holds out the 
probability of a war w'*" France. 

ifep Chase, I am against the conference, but I move for 
the publication of Gen' Lee's letter to the Congress, in 
order to satisfy our constituents, who have heard that it 
contains propositions of peace. 

M"" Middleton, I am against the conference for the reasons 
that have been given. Lord Howe has made use of Gen^ 
Lee as a decoy duck, to take in the colonies. I am against 
the publication of the General's letter to the Congress, Unless 
you publish witli it his letter to Gen^ Washington, in which 
he requests the company of his aid-de-camp and his dogs. 

Col. Harrison, I suspect Lord & General Howe have 
offered Gen' Lee his life on condition of his bringing about 
this conference, which is designed to betray us into a nego- 
ciation. It will suspend our military operations, and injure 
us in the court of France, where our commissioners are 
now soliciting an Alliance for us. The last conference w"" 
Lord Howe had this effect. Let us suppose that he means 
only to confer with us about his private affairs, and let us 
pass a resolution declaring our determination to support 
him & our willingness to hear & transact any thing that 
related to his safety or interest. 

This resolution was unanimously agreed to. 

The Question for raising the interest of loan office certifi- 
cates from 4 to 6 19 ct was determined in the affirmative 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 143 

by the following states ; K H ; M. B ; C. ; N. J ; P ; V ; & 
G. In the negative E.I; N". and S. C ; Maryland divided. 

M' Carter Braxton, of Virginia, speaking of the [torn] 
of 'New England, in the Virginia convention, before the 
declaration of Independance said : " I abhor thier manners 
— I abhor thier laws — I abhor thier governments — I abhor 
thier religion." I say on the contrary, " I admire thier man- 
ners — I admire thier laws — I admire thier governments — I 
admire thier religion." The people of America may be 
divided into the five following classes. 

1. A rank tory. This class are advocates for uncon- 
ditional submission to Great Britain. They rejoice in all 
the misfortunes that befall the united States. They fabri- 
cate lies to deceive and divide the people of America. 
They employ their utmost ingenuity to depreciate the con- 
tinental money. 

Moderate men. This class are advocates for the situation 
of the year 1763. They have no relish for independance. 
They are influenced either 1, by a connection with men who 
hold oflices under the old Government. 2°^, by an attach- 
ment to the pomp, and hiarchy of the church of England 
which is reduced to a level with the other protestant 
churches by the Declaration of independance, or 3'^, by a 
fondness for those luxuries which were introduced among us 
by our commerce w*'' Great Britain. In this respect they 
resemble the children of Israel, who say of themselves, " We 
remember the fish which we did eat in Egypt freely, the 
cucumbers and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, 
and the garlic : But now our Soul is dried away ; There is 
nothing [torn] besides the Manna before our eyes." Numb. 
xi and S cj- 6. They think freedom too dear when purchased 
with the temporary loss of tea, coffee, sugar, and wine, 
good mutton, beef. Bread, milk, and the fruits of the earth, 
which are the manna of this country, appear as nothing at 
all in thier eyes. Lastly it is characteristic of a moderate 
man to hate all true whigs, and to love all rank tories. 



n 



144 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

3. The timid Whigs, form a third class of the people of 
America. They entertain a terrible idea of the resources 
k power of G. Britain, and a false idea of the resources and 
power of America. The loss of a few riflemen in a Skir- 
mish, or a fort, or a Village, induce them to conclude that 
the contest is over and that America is subdued, [torn] ter- 
rified at the expense of the war as much as the sight of a 
musquet, they fly into the most obscure corners for safety. 
After a defeat, they refuse continental money, but upon the 
news of a victory they come forth, appear stout, and wonder 
that any body sh"* dread the power of Britain. 

4. furious Whigs. This class of men injure the cause of 
liberty, as much by their violence as the timid Whigs do 
by thier fears. They think the Destruction of Howe's 
army of less consequence than the detection & punishment 
of the most insignificant tory. They wish for laws & good 
government, not so much to collect the Strength of our 
country against Great Britain, as to punish our internal 
enemies. They think the common forms of Justice sh** be 
suspended towards a tory criminal, [and] that a man who 
only speaks against our common defence [torn] toma- 
hawked, scalped, and roas[ted] alive. Lastly, they are 
always cowards, & shrink under the cover of an office, or a 
sickly family, when they are called upon to oppose the 
enemy in the field. 

5. The Staunch Whigs, form the S**" and last class of the 
people of America. They are friends to liberty from prin- 
ciple. They esteem the loss of property, friends, even of 
life itself as nothing when compared with Slavery. Perse- 
verance & firmness belong to thier character. They are 
never dismayed with misfortunes, or unusually elated with 
undecisive advantages over our enemies. They are impla- 
cable in thier hatred as to the court of Britain. They had 
rather renounce thier existence than thier beloved indepen- 
dance. They have an unshaken [faith] in the divine justice, 
and they [es] teem it a mark of equal folly & impiety, to 
beleive that Great Britain can ever subdue America. They 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 145 

are friends to order & good government. They despise the 
little acts of the tories to injure our cause, and aim at thier 
destruction chiefly by the destruction of the army & com- 
merce of our enemies. They are just and merciful in the 
exercise of power. They esteem virtue & wisdom as the 
principal qualities in legislators, and are unwilling to trust 
power in the hands of "Bullies, bankrupts, and black- 
heads." 

6. Neither Whigs nor Tories. These men change their 
conduct, and conversation acording to the times and thier 
company. They have no principles of any kind. 

The declaration of independance was said to have divided 
and weakened the colonies. The contrary of this was the 
case. Nothing but the signing, & recognising of the decla- 
ration of independance, preserved the Congress from a 
dissolution in Decem"" 1776, when Howe marched to the 
Delaware. Maryland had instructed her delegates to concur 
in an accomodation, notwithstanding any measure (mean- 
ing independance) to the contrary. But further, the declara- 
tion of independance produced a secession of tories, timid, 
moderate & double minded men, from the counsels of 
America, in consequence of which the Congress, as well as 
each of the states, have possessed ten times the vigor and 
strength they had formerly. 

April 8, 1777. 

A number of Indian chiefs came from Fort Pitt, (where a 
treaty had been held with them by commissioners appointed 
by Congress) came to Philad* in Nov' 1776. They were 
all introduced to the Congress. They took each member 
by the hand, and afterwards sat down. One of them (after a 
pause of 10 minutes) rose up and addressed the Congress in 
the following words. 

" Brothers, we received your commissioners at the little 
counsel fire at Fort Pitt. 2, We wiped the sweat from their 
bodies. We cleansed the dirt from thier ankles. We 
pulled the thorns from [their] feet. We took thier staffs 
from thier hands, and leaned them [against] the tree of 
VOL. XXVII. — 10 



i 



146 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

peace. We took thier belts from thier waists, and conducted 
them to the seats of peace." 

April 8th, 1777. 
Gen' Howe's army at Burnswick & New York is now in 
motion. A majority of the people of Philad^ think that 
thier destination is up the North river in order to join Gen^ 
Carleton, so as to cut ofl' the communication between the 
Eastern & Southern states, agreeably to the original plan of 
the british ministry. But I think it most probable that 
thier object is Philad^, for the following reasons. 1. Because 
it is obviously ag"' the interest of Howe's army to come to 
Philad* and a ignorance of thier true interest is the only 
thing that has appeared like uniformity in thier conduct. 
2'y. The design of the present war is to chastise the people 
of America, and this can only be done by changing the 
seat of war ; & 3'^, to purify it of toriism and to eradicate 
timity & moderation. This can only be done by Howe's 
coming within the sphere of the attraction of the tories & 
moderate men. 4'^. There is a false confidence in the 
situation & strength of the city of Philad*, and in the spirit 
& number of our troops. The same kind of confidence 
prev** in New York before its reduction last year. 

April 8*, 1777. 
I think it more than probable the General "Washington 
will not close the present war v^ g. Britain. 1. Because 
in ordinary revolutions different characters always appear 
in thier first and last stages. 2. Because his talents are 
better fitted to unite the people of America into one body 
than to give them afterwards a national complexion. 3. Be- 
cause his talents are unequal to those degrees of discipline 
and decision, which alone can render an army finally suc- 
cessful. 4. Because he is idolised by the people of America, 
and is tho't to be absolutely necessary for us to enable us to 
carry on the w [ar] . 

The tories may be subdivided into — 

1. Advocates for supremacy of parliament. 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Bush, 1777. 147 

2. Advocates for 1763. 

3. Enemies to independance. All alike enemies to the 
cause of America. 

The Whigs may be divided into — 

1. Such as contend for power. 

2. Such as contend from resentm^ : 

3. Such as contend for mili^ glory. 

4. Such as contend for liberty. 

5. Such as aim only at interest. 

Capt : Leslie's grave in Pluckamin churchyard, near the 
grave of Eliz**" Melick, daughter of Aaron, and Charlotte 
Melick. 

During the war between G. B : & America, all reports 
proved false that were 1", picked up at sea ; 2*^^^ on the road 
or at ferries, & 3, from Frenchmen. 

1777 Octob' 10*'' — ^Dined with the commander in chief of 
American army — no wine — only grog — knives & forks eno' 
for only half the company — one half the company eat 
after the other had dined at the same table. The General 
gave the head of his table to one of his aids-de-camp, and 
eat 2** or 3'''* from him on his left side. 

State and Disorders in the American army Octob' 1777. 

1. The commander-in-chief at this time the idol of America 
— governed by Gen' Greene — Gen. Knox & Col. Hamilton, 
one of his aids, a young man of 21 years of age. 

2. 4 Major Generals, — Greene, Sullivan, Stirling & Ste- 
vens. The 1'* a sycophant to the general, timid, speculative, 
without enterprise; the 2°'^, weak, vain, without dignity, 
fond of scribling, in the field a madman. The 3**, a proud, 
vain, lazy, ignorant, drunkard. The 4*, a sordid, boasting 
cowardly sot. 

The troops dirty, undisciplined, & ragged, guns fired 100 
a day ; pickets left 5 days & sentries 24 hours, without re- 
lief; bad bread; no order; universal disgust. 



148 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

Acc't of American army at Yalley Forge March 1778. 

The encampment dirtj & stinking, no forage for 7 days — 
1500 horses died from y' want of it. 3 ounces of meal & 
3 pounds of flour in 7 days. Men dirty & ragged. The 
commander-in-chief and all y' Major Grenerals lived in 
houses out of y^ Camp. 

1777, Novetnber 9. — Came to Burlington [New Jersey] .^ 
November 11. — "Went to Red Bank. 

November 12. — Returned today. 

November 16. — Left Burlington, and lodged at Pet. 
Talmans. 

November 17. — Came to Princetown, 
December 1. — To Trenton and returned. 

1778, January 2. — ^Left Princetown and lodged at Rush 
Hill. 

January 3. — Lodged at General Sullivan's quarters.^ 
January If.. — Lodged at Charles Risk's. 
January 5. — Lodged at Lancaster.^ 
January 8. — Came to Yorktown. 

^ This diary describes the movements of Dr. Rush during the occupa- 
tion of Philadelphia by the British army. A number of the annota- 
tions have been taken from hia manuscripts. 

* Dr. Rush made the following copy of a paper he saw hung up in 
General Sullivan's quarters : 

Names of Officers who distinguished themselves in building y* bridge 
over Shuilkill 1778. 

His Ex? Gen' Honb'« Major Gen' 

Washington. Sullivan. 

Major Pollard, Col. Charlton, 

Major Thayer, Lieut. Mason, 

Capt. Chadwick, Maj' Cortland, 

Lieut. Parker, Maj' Brum, 

Col. Chandler, Col. Basset, 

Capt. Frye, Lieut, [torn]. 

Capt. Smith, 
Lieut. Jewet. 
' On the 7th he took tea and spent the evening at the home of Chris- 
topher Marshall. 



Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 149 

January 30. — Resigned my Commission ; left Yorktown 
and came to Lancaster.' 

Fehr\iary 12. — Came to Reading. 

February 15. — To Allentown. 

February 16. — To Bethlehem.^ 

February 18. — To Johnsons. 

February 19. — To Princetown. 

March 11. — Left Princetown. 

March 12. — Lodged at Dr. Moore's. 

March IS. — Arrived in Camp at Valle}'^ Forge, and lodged 
with General Poor.^ 

March 14- — Lodged at Moore Hall, with Col. [Clement] 
Biddle and the Commissioners from Congress for reforming 
ye Army. 

March 16. — Lodged at Gen. Greene's. 

March 17. — Lodged at Capt. [Harry] Lee's near Camp. 

March 18. — Lodged at D'' [Nicholas] Way's at Wilming- 
ton [Delaware]. 

March 22. — Came to Mr. Joseph Mifflins at Notingham. 

March 23.— M Halls." 

March 24- — Returned to Wilmington. 

Afril 1. — To Mr. Mifflin's. 

April 3.— To Mr. Smith's. 

April 4- — Cochran's Tavern ; full of wagoners ; no liquor ; 
a quiet house. 

April 5.— To Elijah Ward's. 

April 6. — Andrew Bunners. 

April 7. — At IS'ewtown : supped with the Commissioners, 
viz : Americans, Colonels Hamilton, Harrison, Grayson, and 
Mr, Boudinot — British : Colonels O'Hara and Stevens, and 
Capt. Fitzpatrick.^ 

' Surgeon and Physician-General of the Middle District, Continental 
army. 

* He lodged at the Sun Inn. 

' General Poor's brigade was located next to that of General Wayne. 

* Elihu Hall, Mount Welcome, Cecil County, Maryland. The estate 
is now owned by Mr. P. S. P. Conner. 

' Cf. Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. XXIV. p. 291. 



150 Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777. 

April 14.. — To Burlington. 

April 16. — To Princetown. 

April W. — ^Left Princetown and came to Mr. Evans' two 
miles from tlie Meetinghouse, in company with Major Hop- 
kins, Duval and Capt. . 

May 5. — Came to Wilmington. 

May 7. — At Mrs. Barclay's. 

May 8.— To Dan Smith's. 

May 9. — To Cochran's tavern. 

May 10. — To my brothers. 

May 12. — Mr Evans'. 

May IS. — To Princetown. 

May 27. — Left Princetown with my wife and lodged at 
Mr. Hood's near Howell's Ferry. 

May 28. — Lodged at Mr. Evans'. 

May 29. — Came to my brothers. 

June 6. — ^Went to Capt. Alisons'.^ 

June 8. — Returned to my brothers. 

June 10. — Set off for Mr. Hall's and lodged at Mr. Mif- 
flins. 

June 11. — Reached Mr. Hall's. 

June 17. — Left Mr. Hall's, and lodged at Mr. Smith's. 

June 18. — Returned to my brother's. 

June 20. — Set off, for Philadelphia, lodged at Mr. Craw- 
ford's. 

June 21. — Arrived in Philadelphia. 

July 17. — Returned with Mrs. Rush and settled again in 
our old house in Philadelphia.^ 

^ A nephew of Eev. Dr. Francis Alison, of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, living in Chester County. 

* "Dr. Benjamin Eush and Julia Stockton were married Januaiy 11, 
1776, at Princeton, by the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon ;" and he further re- 
cords, " John Rush, son of the above, born July 17, 1777, between the 
hours of 12 and 1 in the morning, at Elihu Hall's Esq., at Mount Wel- 
come, Cecil County, Mary* and baptised July 20"* following by the 
Rev** Dr. John Ewing. " John "stood alone at 6 months supported 
by a wall." Dr. Rush lived in the house formerly Chief- Justice Ship- 
pen's, on Fourth Street opposite Willings Alley. 





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